Clara Zetkin (; ; née Eißner ; 5 July 1857 – 20 June 1933) was a German Marxism theorist, Communism activist, and advocate for women's rights.
Until 1917, she was active in the Social Democratic Party of Germany. Clara Zetkin | bpb She then joined the Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany (USPD) and its far-left wing, the Spartacist League, which later became the Communist Party of Germany (KPD). She represented that party in the Reichstag during the Weimar Republic from 1920 to 1933.Gilbert Badia, Clara Zetkin: Féministe Sans Frontières (Paris: Les Éditions Ouvrières 1993).
Because of the ban placed on socialist activity in Germany by Otto von Bismarck in 1878, Zetkin left for Zürich in 1882 and then went into exile in Paris, where she studied to be a journalist and a translator. During her time in Paris, she played an important role in the foundation of the Socialist International group. She also adopted the name of her lover, the Russian-Jewish , a devoted Marxist, with whom she had two sons, Maxim Zetkin and Kostja Zetkin (known as Kostja). Ossip Zetkin became severely ill in early 1889 and died in June of that year. After the loss of her lover, Zetkin moved to Stuttgart with her children. She married artist Georg Friedrich Zundel, who was eighteen years her junior, from 1899 to 1928. Clara Zetkin biography from the University of Leipzig (in German)
Having studied to become a teacher, Zetkin developed connections with the women's movement and the labour movement in Germany from 1874. In 1878 she joined the Socialist Workers' Party ( Sozialistische Arbeiterpartei, SAP). This party had been founded in 1875 by merging two previous parties: the ADAV formed by Ferdinand Lassalle and the SDAP of August Bebel and Wilhelm Liebknecht. In 1890, its name was changed to its modern version Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD).
Around 1898, Zetkin formed a friendship with the younger Rosa Luxemburg that lasted 20 years. Despite Luxemburg's indifference to the women's movement, which absorbed so much of Zetkin's energies, they became firm political allies on the far left of the SDP. Luxemburg once suggested that their joint epitaph would be "Here lie the last two men of German Social Democracy". In the debate on Revisionism at the turn of the 20th century, they jointly attacked the reformism theses of Eduard Bernstein, who had rejected the ideology of a revolutionary change in favour of "evolutionary socialism". Clara Zetkin biography, Fembio.org. Accessed 14 October 2022. (in German)]
However, Zetkin was deeply opposed to the concept of "bourgeois feminism," which she claimed was a tool to divide the unity of the working classes. In a speech that she delivered to the Second International in 1889, she stated:
She viewed the feminist movement as being primarily composed of upper-class and middle-class women who had their own class interests in mind, which were incompatible with the interests of working-class women. Thus, feminism and the socialist fight for women's rights were incompatible. In her mind, socialism was the only way to truly end the oppression of women. One of her primary goals was to get women out of the house and into work so that they could participate in trade unions and other workers rights organizations to improve conditions for themselves. While she argued that the socialist movement should fight to achieve reforms that would lessen female oppression, she was convinced that such reforms could only prevail if they were embedded into a general move towards socialism; otherwise, they could easily be eradicated by future legislation.
She interviewed Vladimir Lenin on "The Women's Question" in 1920.The interview transcript (in English) is available at The Emancipation of Women: From the Writings of V.I. Lenin, interview with Clara Zetkin, International Publishers, on the Marxist Archives
From Zetkin's perspective, the women's movement was a key component to the whole of women's rights. Not only was the movement essential to the women's rights movement, but it was also essential to building the Communist state. Lenin made it a point to mention that everyone who has been exploited or oppressed under the capitalist system should be included in the women's rights movement, further pushing the movement in Communist ideals.
Lenin and Zetkin's work as colleagues in the work of pushing the Communist and women's rights agendas progressed the liberation of women in the Soviet Union. By associating the movement with the larger proletarian revolution, they advanced the cause of women's liberation. Their combined efforts pushed for systematic changes such as labor protections, childcare facilities, women's suffrage, and dismantling the bourgeois societal norms. All of this would eventually become for naught as Stalin assumed political power in the Soviet Union, as women's reproductive health and personal liberties began to be stripped away.
Zetkin, along with Karl Liebknecht, Rosa Luxemburg, Luise Kähler and other influential SPD politicians, rejected the party's policy of Burgfrieden (a truce between political parties the government and a promise to refrain from strikes during the war). Among other anti-militarism activities, Zetkin organized an international socialist women's anti-war conference in Berlin in 1915. Timeline of Clara Zetkin's life, at the Lebendiges Museum Online (LEMO) Because of her anti-war opinions, she was arrested several times during the war and was in 1916 taken into "protective custody" from which she was later released on account of illness.
In January 1919, after the German Revolution in November of the previous year, the KPD (Communist Party of Germany) was founded. Zetkin also joined it and represented the party from 1920 to 1933 in the Reichstag. Marxist Internet Archive Biography
Zetkin became further enveloped in the Communist movement through her interactions and fellowship with Vladimir Lenin. The relationship between Zetkin and Lenin first began in 1920 when she conducted and recorded interviews with him. In her journal entries outlining their conversations, she discussed her admiration for his leadership as he used his position of power to give a voice to the oppressed people. Three separate lifetime editions of Zetkin's memoirs about Lenin (Clara Zetkin. Memories of Lenin; Clara Zetkin. From a Notebook; Clara Zetkin. Lenin and the Masses) were included in the 5th volume of “Memories of Lenin,” published by the Institute of Marxism-Leninism under the Central Committee, and became canonical for citation in the USSR.“Воспоминания о Ленине», Институт марксизма-ленинизма при ЦК КПСС, Москва, издательство «Политической литературы», 1979 (“Memories of Lenin”, Institute of Marxism-Leninism under the Central Committee of the CPSU, Moscow, Political Literature Publishing House, 1979). Included in speaking for the voices of the oppressed, Lenin discussed with Zetkin the need to establish an international women's movement.
From the outline of the conversations, it is apparent that Lenin respected Zetkin as a colleague who could help him implement his political strategy, not as an inferior. In addition to the conversation's rhetoric, Lenin's respect for Zetkin is evident as he employed her to establish the women's movement based on the principles of Marxist theory. Zetkin was allocated a position to provide support to the women's rights committee drafting a resolution, theses, and directives to move along the progression of the movement. Because of its previous success in bringing women's emancipation in both theory and practice, Zetkin subscribed to the socialist movement in the early 1920s.
Until 1924, Zetkin was a member of the KPD's central office. From 1927 to 1929, she was a member of the party's central committee. She was also a member of the executive committee of the Communist International (Comintern) from 1921 to 1933. She also presided over an international secretariat for women, which was created by the Communist International in October 1920. In June 1921, the Second International Conference of Communist Women, which was held in Moscow and was chaired by her, changed the date of the International Women's Day to 8 March. That has remained the date of the IWD.
In summer 1922, Zetkin was part of the prosecution team during the Trial of the Socialist Revolutionaries in Moscow, but at other times, she was critical of Moscow's influence over the German Communist Party within which she was part of the right wing. She was removed from the Central Committee of the KPD when the left, led by Ruth Fischer, took control. She opposed a policy decision made in Moscow in 1928 to get communist trade unions in Germany to split from the main socialist-dominated federation and form the rival Rote Gewerkschaftsbund. When Joseph Stalin put this to the executive of Comintern, in December 1928, Zetkin was one of only three members of the executive to vote against.
In August 1932, despite having recently fallen gravely ill in Moscow, she returned to Berlin to preside over the opening of the newly elected Reichstag, as its oldest deputy. She used her opening address to call for workers to unite in the struggle against fascism:
She was a recipient of the Order of Lenin (1932) and the Order of the Red Banner (1927).
In 1921, Clara Zetkin began to write for the communist periodical, Die Kommunistische Fraueninternationale. Her purpose in writing for the periodical was to convince women of the effectiveness of socialist reform thinking over capitalist thought. The published periodicals expanded globally and became a forum for communist women to hear about the lives of other communists. The periodical focused on the lives of women in Russia, which had experienced a successful communist revolution. As Zetkin subscribed to the communist model of reform, her writings continued to outline and advocate for women to join her in her adherence. Of the periodicals Zetkin produced and edited for, Die Kommunistische Fraueninternationale portrayed the most accuracy in her actual worldviews. The periodical rejected “bourgeois feminism,” which was not an outrageous claim for Zetkin and advocated for women to become workers in the proletarian state.
Zetkin's published works began to be stalled during the rise of the Stalinist government in the early 1920s. Stalin's politics stunted and regressed much of the progress of the women's movement in the Soviet Union, returning the country to be based in conservative ideals. The May-June 1925 issue of Die Kommunistische Fraueninternationale was the last issue to ever be published. This was an appendage to the decision to move the International Women's Secretariat from Berlin back to Moscow. By April 1926, the International Women's Secretariat lost its independence and became absorbed into the Women's Section of the Comintern Executive. The rise of Stalin's bureaucracy in the Soviet Union dissolved the relationship the women's movement established with the government under the leadership of Lenin.
After 1949, Zetkin became a much-celebrated heroine in the German Democratic Republic (East Germany), and every major city had a street named after her. Her name can still be found on the maps of the former lands of the GDR. A street in Tula, Russia, named for Zetkin (ул. Клары Цеткин) as well as a street in Belgrade, Serbia (ul. Klare Cetkin).
Her legacy was further tarnished because her works were unpalatable to the feminist movements of the 60s and 70s. In 1960s and 70s Europe, Western Europe began its transition into second-wave feminist ideologies. As second-wave feminist ideologies took hold, a direct consequence was the exclusion of men from participation in women's movements. This is contrary to Zetkin's philosophy of the need for men and women within the working class to work together to achieve women's liberation.
Today, many authors attempt to attribute Zetkin's work under the categories of “socialist feminism” or “Marxist feminism.” However, during her lifespan, the term “socialist feminism” did not exist. In analyzing her published works, the term “ Frauenrechtlerei” has been mistakenly translated as “feminist” or “feminism.” In its truest translations, however, the term was used in demeaning rhetoric to separate Zetkin's political efforts from the bourgeois feminists.
Her son, Maxim Zetkin, continued her legacy of Communist leadership through his medical practice in the Soviet healthcare system. In the 1920s, Maxim joined Clara in attending several Comintern congresses and worked for a number of Comintern missions. Maxim eventually joined the Soviet Communist Party after being commissioned to practice surgery in Moscow.
Early engagement in Social Democratic Party
Fight for women's rights
Opposition to First World War
Joining Communist Party
The most important immediate task is the formation of a United Front of all workers in order to turn back fascism .. in order to preserve for the enslaved and exploited, the force and power of their organization as well as to maintain their own physical existence. Before this compelling historical necessity, all inhibiting and dividing political, trade union, religious and ideological opinions must take a back seat. All those who feel themselves threatened, all those who suffer and all those who long for liberation must belong to the United Front against fascism and its representatives in government.
Publications
Exile and death
Legacy
Works
Posthumous honors
See also
Sources
Further reading
External links
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